10 Educational Goal Examples (With Tips To Accomplish Them)

10 Educational Goal Examples (With Tips To Accomplish Them)

10 Educational Goal Examples (With Tips To Accomplish Them)

jyoungblood.com – The purpose of education is to help you to reach your potential. To make sure this occurs, it’s important to set educational goals. Determining what you should learn and how to accomplish your objectives helps create the foundation for reaching your educational goals.

In this article, we take a look at examples of educational goals, along with ways you can achieve them.

Examples of 10 educational goals

Education goals

put into words what you’d like to achieve after a certain amount of time, such as after completing a course or a program. It explains the skills, competencies and qualities you hope to possess by that time.

This process usually involves identifying objectives, choosing attainable short-term goals and then creating a plan for achieving those goals. Here are 10 examples:

1. Think positive to stay focused

Positive thinking

can make it easier for you to focus on tasks that need to be done and learn new information. For instance, if you approach learning better writing skills with a positive mindset, you may be more likely to stay focused since you’re open to the experience.

To maintain a positive mindset toward learning, here are a few things you can do:

  • Set and track your own learning goals

  • Manage your stress

  • Be open to new ideas and approaches

  • Visualize a positive outcome

  • Learn from your mistakes

Related: SMART Goals: Definition and Examples

2. Stay resilient

Resiliency refers to the ability to adapt after encountering a challenge. It’s important to acknowledge the challenge or difficulty in order to find a way to overcome it. Resiliency helps you accept the issue and find steps to move past it while staying positive.

Here are a few ways to improve your resiliency:

  • Find a sense of purpose in your life

  • Establish positive beliefs in your abilities

  • Build a strong network

  • Embrace change

  • Develop your problem-solving skills

Related: Interview Question: “What Are Your Future Goals?”

3. Make time to read

Reading can help you to develop critical thinking skills, which are important to make well-reasoned decisions. Reading requires you to think and process information in ways you may not experience in other forms of entertainment. You can read fiction, autobiographies or journals on any topic that interests you. While you read, take notes to keep your mind focused on the text.

Here are a few tips that can help you make time to read every single day:

  • Read first thing in the morning or before bed

  • Always keep a magazine, newspaper or book in your bag in your bag

  • Use bus or subway time to catch up on reading

  • Find material that you find interesting

  • Set reminders for reading

Related: 7 Simple Strategies To Improve Reading Comprehension

4. Manage your time

Good time-management skills help you to prioritize tasks so you’re able to complete work and assignments on time. You should also plan ahead, set aside the time you need for assignments and projects and stay focused to better use that time.

Here are some tips to effectively manage your time and improve your study:

  • Create a daily, weekly and monthly schedule

  • Avoid distractions while you’re studying

  • Set goals for every study session

  • Start working on projects or tasks early

  • Make a project plan

  • Work on one task at a time

  • Start early in the day

Related: Time-Management Skills: Definition and Examples

5. Find time to relax

Finding time to relax can help you to stay focused and motivated. Giving yourself time to do something you enjoy or practice self-care can help instill balance in your life. When you take a break, you can usually return to your task with a renewed focus and a fresh perspective.

Here are a few ways you can relax:

  • Get quality rest

  • Practice the 50/10 rule (50 minutes of work followed by a 10-minute break)

  • Plan your meals a week in advance

  • Schedule time for your hobbies and interests

  • Take breaks during difficult projects

Related: 8 Steps for How To Stop Overthinking at Work

6. Strive for excellence

You should strive for excellence in your work by setting and then exceeding goals. Excellence is about striving to be better, with the end goal of providing consistent quality work. To achieve excellence in your day to day, you need to spend time practicing and developing new skills.

Here are a few tips to develop the habit of excellence:

  • Explore new ideas

  • Do more than what’s expected of you

  • Take risks

  • Surround yourself with positive people

  • Build a trusted connection with a mentor

Related: How To Take Pride in Your Work in 7 Steps

7. Build a strong network

Networking is about building and nurturing long-term relationships with the people you meet. When you invest time in building meaningful relationships (personal and professional) you create a network of people you can rely on throughout your career.

Networking allows you to develop and improve your skill set, while staying up-to-date about the job market, meeting prospective mentors and gaining access to resources that can promote your development.

Here are a few tips to build a strong network:

  • Take the first step by reaching out

  • Listen to advice and tips

  • Treat people with dignity and respect

  • Learn to trust more

  • Give and take constructive feedback

  • Have empathy

Related: Building Rapport: Tips and Examples

8. Build good study habits

One of the most important parts of academic success is practicing good study habits. Developing and maintaining good study habits can help you to increase your competence, confidence and self-esteem.

Good study habits can also help to reduce your anxiety about deadlines and/or tests. You may also be able to reduce the number of hours that you spend studying, leaving more time for other important things in your life.

Here are a few steps you can take to build good study habits:

  • Plan when you are going to study

  • Create a consistent, daily study routine

  • Set a study session goal to help achieve your overall academic goal

  • Avoid procrastination

  • Create an environment conducive to studying

  • Spread material throughout several study sessions

Related: Top 10 Study Skills and Techniques

9. Attend seminars or training

A seminar is an expert-led educational meeting that focuses on a specific topic or discipline. Seminars are an ideal opportunity for you to study a topic in-depth. By asking questions, paying attention to the speaker and writing notes, you can leave a seminar with a wide range of knowledge in a specific field.

Along with having access to experts, seminars also allow you to meet other people who share your interests and build connections. Seminar discussions give you an opportunity to debate issues related to the field, exchange ideas and share experiences. Meeting new people can offer solutions to common problems, encouragement and advice for how to handle challenges.

Related: What Is On-the-Job Training?

10. Develop patience to achieve your goals

Being patient can help you realize that consistent reflection and hard work can produce successful outcomes. Many goals you need to reach often take time and patience can help you continually produce excellent work.

Here are a few tips to overcome impatience:

  • Be more mindful of your thoughts and reactions to what is going on around you

  • Calm your mind so that you can think more clearly about your situation

  • Practice deep breathing and mindfulness techniques

  • Set milestones and reward yourself when you reach them

How to Teach Good Behavior: Tips for Parents

How to Teach Good Behavior: Tips for Parents

How to Teach Good Behavior: Tips for Parents

Children must be taught good behavior so they can live and work well in society when they grow up. Good teaching includes rewards for good behavior. Your child’s age should guide your choice of ways to teach. Some tips to help you teach your child are listed below.


  • Encourage your child and give lots of affection.
  • Reward good behavior. Praise your child and give extra attention when he or she does something right. Give a reward for good behavior.
  • Your child will copy your actions and words. Act and speak the way you want your child to act and speak.
  • Be kind, but firm.
  • Remove temptations (like breakable items) before children get into trouble. Preventing bad behavior is always easier than correcting a problem.
  • Ignore some small problems or annoying behaviors. Bigger problems need to be corrected, especially if the child’s bad behavior might be harmful or dangerous.
  • Be consistent. Always treat a bad behavior the same way, or your child will learn that he or she can sometimes “get away with it.”
  • Correct your child soon after the bad behavior occurs, but wait until your anger has passed. Counting to 10 before you say something or do something may help reduce your anger so you are in control of yourself.
  • Make rules that are right for your child’s age. Rules work best for children who are school-aged. Younger children (infants and toddlers) don’t understand rules yet. They are still learning what a rule is.
  • Use “time-out” for children between 18 months and five years of age. Time-out may help correct bad behaviors like tantrums, whining, fighting, and arguing. To use time-out, put your child in a chair with no toys or TV. Don’t speak to your child during time-out. Time-out should last one minute for each year of the child’s age. For example, a four-year-old should be in time-out for four minutes. Your child should be quiet for at least 15 seconds before timeout ends.
  • Correct older children by taking away things they like (TV or video games, or time with friends).
  • Remember to tell your child that the behavior was bad, but the child isn’t “bad.”



  • Don’t nag or talk about bad behavior too much. Children ignore nagging.
  • Don’t try reasoning to get your point across to children younger than three or four years. They won’t understand.
  • Don’t criticize your child.
  • Don’t call your child names.
  • Don’t call your child “bad.” Only the behavior is bad.
  • Don’t scold too often. Scolding makes children anxious and may make them ignore you. It may also worsen the behavior. Never scold your child during time-out.
  • Don’t spank. Spanking teaches your child that it’s okay to hit someone in order to solve a problem. Never spank a child who is younger than 18 months. It doesn’t help, and you may hurt the child. Never spank a child when you’re angry. Never hit your child with an object.
  • Don’t pull your child’s hair, jerk an arm, or shake your child.


Where can I find more information about teaching good behavior to my children?


Here are two books you might find at your public library or local bookstore:

Touchpoints: Your Child’s Emotional and Behavioral Development, a book written by T. Berry Brazelton. Published by Addison-Wesley Publishing Company in 1992. The chapter on discipline is very helpful (see pages 252 to 260).

Parenting: Guide to Positive Discipline, a book written by Paula Spencer. Published by Ballantine Books in 2001.

Law of Supply Defined

Law of Supply Defined

Law of Supply Defined

The law of supply is an economic theory that predicts how the price of goods and services affects their supply. It says that as prices rise, businesses will increase the amount of goods and services that they make available. Though the law of supply can be useful when making business decisions, it doesn’t take into account other factors that can affect supply, such as changes in production costs and the competitive environment. Still, understanding the law of supply, as well the exceptions to the law and other relevant factors, can help companies determine how to price their products and services and adjust their supply to maximize profits.

What Is the Law of Supply?

The law of supply is a basic economic concept. It states that an increase in the price of goods or services results in an increase in their supply. Supply is defined as the quantity of goods or services that suppliers are willing and able to provide to customers. The law works like this: Rising prices mean that products become more profitable, assuming other factors such as production costs remain constant. The prospect of higher profits therefore motivates businesses to supply more of these products. Existing suppliers may increase the supply of more profitable products at the expense of less profitable ones. In addition, new suppliers may enter the market, further increasing the overall supply.

Key Takeaways

The law of supply states that an increase in the price of goods or services results in an increase in the quantity that suppliers make available to the market.
Existing suppliers increase production of higher-priced goods to maximize profits, while new suppliers may also enter the market.
The law of supply assumes that all other factors remain constant. In practice, many other factors can play into supply decisions, including rising production costs and market competition.

Law of Supply Explained

Consider the example of a pizzeria that sells pasta dishes as well as pizzas. If the price of pizza rises, and with it the profit per pie, the business may focus its resources on increasing the production of pizza — while decreasing the production of pasta offerings. As the price keeps rising, the pizzeria continues to increase the pizza supply because it can increase its profits by doing so. This relationship can be represented graphically as a supply curve, which shows the number of pizzas produced at different prices.

Law of Supply Defined

As prices and output continue to increase, the supplier eventually reaches the maximum quantity that it can provide with its existing equipment — it can’t make any more pizzas because its ovens are already full at all times. The pizzeria may then decide to invest in an additional pizza oven to increase its supply. Meanwhile, other entrepreneurs establish new pizzerias because the higher prices justify the startup costs. This further increases the market supply.

How Does the Law of Supply Work?

The law of supply applies to services and labor as well as goods — a higher price can increase the supply. For example, employees may be more likely to work overtime if they’re paid at a higher hourly rate. Professions that offer relatively high salaries, such as software engineering, may attract more people to educational programs that ultimately increase the supply of qualified job applicants.

In practice, prices are often determined by the relationship between supply and demand. A related economic theory, the law of supply and demand, describes how this works. Rising demand for products and services tends to drive up prices. This provides an incentive for providers to increase the supply. However, as the price of those products and services continues to rise, fewer customers will buy them. The law of supply and demand predicts that as a result, free markets move toward an equilibrium point where the price and quantity of the supply exactly matches customer demand.

Factors That Affect Supply

The law of supply predicts that rising prices result in increases in the supply of goods or services — but that’s assuming all other factors remain constant. In reality, many other factors can affect supply, and those factors can change frequently. Here are 10 of the most common.

  • Price and demand forecasts.
    Many businesses base their production plans on forecasts of future demand and pricing, not just on what customers are currently buying. Enterprise resource planning software can help businesses improve demand forecasts by considering factors such as economic growth and seasonality. Furthermore, if a product’s price is expected to increase, businesses may hold back stock so they can make a larger profit in the future.
  • Production costs.
    The law of supply assumes that companies can increase profits by selling more goods or services when prices rise, which provides them with an incentive to increase the supply. But if the price rises reflect increased production costs, that may not be true. If a pizzeria raises the price of a slice by 50 cents because the cost of the tomatoes used in the sauce went up by 50 cents, its profit is unchanged — so the price increase doesn’t represent an incentive to make more pizzas. On the other hand, if production costs fall and prices remain stable, profits increase and so does the incentive to supply more pizzas.
  • Competition.
    New suppliers may enter the market even if prices are not increasing and demand is stable. Often, these new suppliers aim to offer products at lower prices than existing providers.
  • Technology.
    Technology can enable companies to make and sell more products at a lower cost, thus increasing the available supply.
  • Transportation.
    Transportation delays or rising shipping costs can affect a company’s ability to increase its supply of goods. If goods can’t move from warehouses to retail shelves, they can’t be purchased by customers and don’t count toward the market supply.
  • Availability of raw materials and labor.
    A business may want to increase the supply of a product but unable to do so because it can’t purchase the raw materials or hire the people required to produce it.
  • Government regulations and subsidies influence supply in some industries.
    Companies must meet strict regulatory requirements when introducing certain healthcare products, for example, which can limit the supply of these products regardless of the demand. On the other hand, government subsidies support the supply of some local transportation services.
  • Weather and natural disasters.
    For many agricultural goods, the weather has a major impact on supply. A dry season or flooding can greatly reduce crop yields.
  • Comparable goods.
    A change in the supply of one good can affect the supply of other goods. For example, if the market price of corn increases, farmers may dedicate more land to growing corn. As a result, they use less land for growing squash, so the supply of squash decreases.
  • Business objectives.
    Companies may adjust the supply of products to achieve specific objectives. For example, some businesses introduce limited-edition collectibles in small quantities to increase their desirability and value. At the other extreme, companies sometimes supply products in large quantities to build market presence and brand awareness, even if increasing the supply doesn’t generate higher profits.

Types of Law of Supply

There are five types of supply — market supply, joint supply, composite supply, short-run supply and long-run supply. Here’s how to distinguish them.

  • Market supply.
    The market supply is the total supply from all producers. If a town has three pizzerias that produce 30, 40, and 25 pies a day, respectively, at $20 apiece, the market supply at the $20 price level is 95 pies a day.
  • Joint supply.
    Joint supply occurs when multiple goods are produced from a single source. For example, cows can be used to produce milk as well as leather.
  • Composite supply.
    Composite supply occurs when goods are intrinsically linked and sold only as a bundle. For example, a car manufacturer typically offers air conditioning and audio systems only as part of a bundled package with the purchase of a new vehicle.
  • Short-run supply.
    Short-run supply is the total supply that companies can provide without additional investment in business expansion. It’s also known as short-term supply.
  • Long-run supply.
    Long-run supply, also known as long-term supply, includes factors such as suppliers’ investment in new production capacity. It also considers that new suppliers may enter the market while older firms exit.

Exceptions to Law of Supply

Not every business scenario is determined by the law of supply. There are many exceptions — situations where the supply of goods and services isn’t determined by the pricing. Here are some of the most common.

  • Economies of scale.
    When a producer becomes large enough, it may be able to apply economies of scale to reduce the cost of producing goods and services. As a result, it may be able to increase its supply while keeping prices stable or even reducing them.
  • Shift in business plan.
    If a business is shifting its market focus and plans to cease production of some products, it may temporarily increase the supply of those products at a low price to eliminate any remaining stock and raw materials. A business may also use this approach as an emergency measure if it needs cash in a hurry.
  • Monopoly.
    When there’s only a single supplier of a good or service, the company may be able to increase or decrease its supply or pricing irrespective of external factors.
  • Competitive pricing.
    In a highly competitive market, businesses may increase the supply of their products while reducing the price to capture market share.
  • Expiring or dated goods.
    If perishable goods near their expiration date, a business may increase their supply early to try to recoup some of the production costs before the goods become unsellable.
  • One-of-a-kind goods.
    Handmade art or other rare goods cannot be easily reproduced, so the supply cannot expand even if the price rises.
  • Inelastic supply.
    For many goods, including agricultural products, it is difficult to quickly adjust the supply even if the price rises. It can take months or even years for crops to reach maturity and become available to customers. For example, an apple farmer who adds trees to their orchard won’t be able to harvest the fruit for several years.

Law of Supply Examples

The law of supply operates across almost every industry. Here are some common examples.

  • The owner of a coffee shop notices that sandwich prices are rising. To boost profits, the owner starts making more sandwiches for sale.
  • A movie studio sees that major theaters are charging higher prices for blockbuster films, so it begins greenlighting more projects to develop star-studded action movies.
  • Noticing that the price of organic vegetables is increasing faster than the price of conventionally produced crops, a farmer starts the process of gaining organic certification.


The law of supply describes a simple relationship between pricing and supply — the higher the price of an item, the more suppliers will make. In practice, many other factors can affect both supply and pricing, including production costs, the availability of raw materials and the competitive environment. So while it’s useful to consider the law of supply when making business decisions, it’s equally important to take into account other factors that may apply to your situation.

Educational Institution - Meaning and Definition

Educational Institution – Meaning and Definition

Educational Institution - Meaning and Definition

An educational institution is a place where people of different age groups get an education.

The educational institution includes childcare, preschool, elementary school, high secondary schools, and universities. These educational institutions provide the learning space and the learning environment.

Understand and digitize school operations with Teachmint and its features like user management for efficient school management.

Activities related to education are there in the educational institution. The organization can get a building and use that building to provide training and education in organized courses.

These educational institutions have one education head; it can be the principal or any other person. The institution has other personnel, teaching, and nonteaching, that are there to help and give service to the organization. There are different works which the personnel have to do like keeping books, arranging and maintaining documents, etc.

The educational institutions have a curriculum that all the educational institutions of the country follow. Public authority takes care of the control and finance of these institutions. The medium of instruction can be virtual classrooms.

There can be a merger or demolition of the educational institution depending on the decision of the education organizer or public authority. The institutions’ ultimate aim is to impart quality education and to ensure that the future generation is knowledgeable.

There is an educational ID for all the institutions. The difference between these educational institutions is on the basis of the education they are imparting to the students.

The different types of educational institutions

What is the difference between a college and a university? Public and private institutions? Is community college a good way to start a career? With over 6,000 higher education institutions nationwide, students often wonder which path to choose.

Whether you have already chosen a career or are still exploring your options, there is a school for you. Incoming students can choose their college by size, cost, location, and degree choices. For those looking for a specific experience, gender, race, and religious affiliation can help make the decision easier.

Higher educational institutions

The basic types of post-secondary institutions include:

  • community colleges
  • technical or vocational schools
  • public colleges and universities
  • private colleges and universities

Students can choose to further customize their college experience by choosing an institution specializing in a particular type of learning or student body. Liberal arts colleges, historically black colleges and universities, and Ivy League schools offer these unique experiences.

Community colleges

With a relatively simple admissions process, lower tuition costs, and programs that allow students to begin a career immediately upon graduation, community colleges appeal to a variety of students. Working professionals may complete a certification course at a community college to get ahead in their career or change professions. These schools also appeal to high school graduates who are not able or ready for the commitment of a 4-year program.

There are 942 community colleges nationwide. These schools provide certificate programs leading to credentials designed for specific skills and trades, in addition to 2-year associate degrees. Many students spend 2 years studying in community college before transferring their credits to a bachelor’s program at a college or university.

Applicants to community colleges do not always require a high school diploma or general education development (GED) certificate. Most have open admissions policies with a minimum requirement that applicants are at least 18 years old. California Community Colleges, for example, are required to accept all state residents meeting this requirement.

Community colleges may have technical and vocational programs, but typically offer a wider variety of subject areas than technical or vocational schools. The associate degree programs at these colleges are often trade-based, requiring hands-on instruction. As a result of the COVID19 pandemic, enrollment in community colleges dropped precipitously as students were unable to attend class in disciplines where in-person training is required, such as nursing or mechanical engineering.

Students attending community college programs may be working professionals earning a credential to further their career. For this reason, community colleges often offer flexible course structures including online asynchronous lessons and evening classes. Most community college campuses do not provide on-campus accommodation.

  • Average cost – $10,300 per year
  • Example careers include paralegal, physical therapy assistant

Technical and vocational schools

Focused on careers, technical and vocational schools list their programs as career training tracks rather than degrees or certificates. These tracks are designed to give students specific skills needed for their target profession. For example, medical assisting programs may include an internship in a local clinic alongside laboratory sessions to practice skills like blood draws.

The main difference between technical and vocational schools is that vocational schools are more hands on while technical schools may have a stronger classroom component. Graduates from both schools typically can begin working immediately upon graduation.

Most vocational and technical schools require a high school diploma or GED. These schools do not usually request SAT or ACT scores, but may require a placement test. Some schools waive the requirement for a high school diploma for students with strong scores on their placement test, and may admit students as young as 16 with parental consent. Trade and vocational schools are usually commuter-based.

  • Average cost—$11,389 per year

Example careers include radiation therapist, dental hygienist, licensed practical nurse

Private colleges and universities

Funded by tuition and private contributions, private universities have the highest tuition rates among all higher education institutions. Private colleges offer smaller student population and class sizes and a narrower range of majors compared to larger colleges and universities.

State residency doesn’t affect tuition rate creating a more diverse student body by encouraging out-of-state students to attend without needing to pay increased fees. Compared to community colleges, trade, and vocational schools, private colleges have considerably stricter admissions requirements. Applicants need a high school diploma or equivalent, and SAT or ACT and GPA scores within a particular range stipulated by the individual college. Students in private colleges usually live on or near campus.

Both liberal arts and Ivy League colleges and universities are private. Liberal arts colleges usually award undergraduate degrees and are known for their interdisciplinary approach. Amherst and Wellesley Colleges are well-known liberal arts colleges. Ivy League schools are high-competitive and have low acceptance rates. There are 8 total, including Yale and Princeton.

  • Average cost—$44,662 per year
  • Examples of liberal arts careers include marketing manager, accounting manager, elementary school teacher
  • Examples of Ivy League career fields: financial services, consulting

Public universities

Funded by state governments, public universities have state boards and trustees who oversee their operations. These institutions offer in-state tuition, which is usually lower than private colleges and universities. Public institutions generally have a large student population, offer a wider spectrum of disciplines, and confer graduate degrees.

Admissions requirements for public universities are similar to private institutions. Most public universities support research by master’s and doctoral students. The University of Florida, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and University of California at Berkeley are traditional public universities.

  • Average cost—$20,598 per year
  • Example public university graduate career fields: healthcare, logistics, information technology

Other institutions

In addition to the basic types of higher educational institutions, there are colleges and universities designed to meet more specific student needs. These schools cater to select student bodies and disciplines.

Art and design schools

Students with an interest in the arts can opt to enroll in programs offered by art and design schools. These schools are sometimes extensions of existing universities, like the School of Art and Design at the University of Illinois. Other schools exist independently, such as the Parsons School of Design, the Pratt Institute, or the Julliard School.

Art and design schools offer associate, bachelor’s, and graduate degrees in specializations like fine art, film, illustration, graphic design, drama, dance, and photography. The most common degree awarded is a bachelor of fine art, or BFA. Admissions to these schools can be extremely competitive. In addition to a high school diploma, GPA and test scores, applicants typically submit a portfolio of sample works and may need to audition.

Institutes of technology

Students who know they want to specialize in engineering, technology, applied sciences, and natural sciences often attend institutes of technology. This type of school includes career-oriented programs and awards both undergraduate and graduate degrees. These schools include public institutions such as Georgia Institute of Technology (Georgia Tech) as well as private schools like California Institute of Technology (Caltech).

Historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs)

These unique colleges and universities emerged in the 1860s as a result of racial discrimination in existing institutions of the time. HBCUs now accept all races, though the majority of the student population in most continues to be Black. Some well-known HBCUs include Howard University, Morehouse College, and Spelman College. Of the 100 total HBCUs currently available, 51 are public.

Religiously affiliated

Historically, many colleges and universities were associated with a religion. Religiously affiliated institutions only accepted students identified with the target affiliated faith and incorporated religious themes in their coursework and campus culture. Today, some still operate based on religious traditions, maintaining certain rules and practices based on their affiliation.

Brigham Young University, for example, is operated by the Church of Jesus Christ and Latter-day Saints (BYU). While BYU also accepts students of other faiths, all students have to follow certain rules based on the university’s religiously-oriented code of conduct.

There are far more colleges with historical affiliations than active faith-based practices. At these colleges, the student body is largely unaffected by their school’s affiliation. Boston College, for example, maintains a Roman Catholic Jesuit affiliation.

Women’s only

Although women are enrolling in college at considerably higher rates than men, the number of colleges originally founded to admit only women is declining. In the 1950s, it was determined that these colleges violated the Equal Protection Clause, causing many to dissolve. Still, today there are 37 women’s colleges and universities.

While these colleges admit all genders, student populations are majority female, ranging from 87%-100%. These often private, liberal arts colleges are designed to offer women an opportunity to thrive in areas like STEM fields where they are traditionally underrepresented. Women who attend women’s colleges and universities are more likely to graduate and develop marketable skills compared to those studying at public universities.

Tribal schools

Tribal colleges and universities were founded to preserve and restore the languages and cultural traditions of American Indian and Alaska Native tribes. There are currently 32 Tribal Colleges and Universities (TCUs) offering degrees, certificates, and even apprenticeships. These institutions are often located in economically depressed, rural areas and sometimes serve as a base for their local community’s social services. With a graduation rate of 86%, these schools serve an important role in supporting those most underserved by the traditional higher education system.

Military colleges

There are 5 service academies provided by the United States military. Each institution is divided into service academics, senior military colleges, and military junior colleges. The basic academies are as follows:

  • Military Academy
  • Naval Academy
  • Air Force Academy
  • Coast Guard Academy
  • Merchant Marine Academy

These schools provide students an opportunity to simultaneously serve in the military while pursing a college degree. Students at these schools undergo military instruction along side a bachelor of science degree, and most graduates aim to find a job in the military upon graduation. In exchange for a service commitment of at least 5 years, accepted applicants do not pay tuition, or room and board.

Closing words

Your final choice of school ultimately depends on a culmination of factors. Your career goals, academic interests, and personal circumstances can all contribute to the final decision. It is not uncommon to attend more than one school, whether to complete certain career credentials or when finding the right institution for your academic goals. With plenty of research and clear goals, you can find the school that is best for you.

Gaji Pemain Poker Profesional

Gaji Pemain Poker Profesional

Gaji Pemain Poker Profesional

Orang sering bertanya kepada saya akhir-akhir ini berapa gaji rata-rata pemain poker profesional? Dan sejujurnya, jawabannya bervariasi tergantung pada tingkat keahlian Anda, taruhan apa yang Anda mainkan, berapa banyak volume yang Anda masukkan, dan sebagainya.

Jadi dalam artikel ini saya akan memecah semuanya untuk Anda. Ini adalah panduan utama untuk gaji pemain poker profesional.

Gaji Pemain Poker Profesional Per Jam

Jadi ada banyak cara berbeda untuk melihat gaji pemain poker profesional. Yang pertama adalah upah per jam mereka.

Ini adalah yang paling akrab bagi banyak orang karena di sebagian besar pekerjaan tradisional Anda dibayar dengan upah per jam. Namun, dalam poker ini sebenarnya bukan metrik yang sering kita gunakan.

Dan alasannya adalah karena poker tidak seperti pekerjaan biasa di mana Anda mendapatkan upah tetap yang konsisten untuk setiap jam Anda bekerja.

Sebaliknya, hasil Anda akan ada di mana-mana di poker.

Beberapa jam Anda akan menang besar atau menang kecil. Beberapa jam Anda akan kehilangan besar atau kehilangan kecil. Hal yang sama berlaku selama berhari-hari dan bahkan berminggu-minggu di meja poker.

Jadi tidak ada yang namanya upah per jam biasa untuk pemain poker profesional. Tetapi jika kami memperkirakan selama katakanlah satu tahun, kami bisa mendapatkan gaji rata-rata per jam untuk seorang pemain poker profesional.

Jika kita fokus pada pemain poker profesional taruhan kecil dan menengah, mereka akan rata-rata selama setahun mendapatkan upah per jam antara $20 per jam dan $500 per jam.

Ini akan sangat bervariasi seperti yang Anda lihat tergantung pada taruhan apa yang mereka mainkan, berapa jam yang mereka habiskan, dan seberapa keras mereka bekerja untuk meningkatkan permainan poker mereka jauh dari meja.

Untuk pemain poker profesional dengan taruhan tinggi, upah rata-rata per jam mereka selama setahun bisa berkisar antara $500 per jam dan $10.000 per jam atau lebih.

Ada sangat sedikit pro poker taruhan tinggi karena Anda secara sah harus menjadi salah satu pemain poker terbaik di dunia untuk secara konsisten mengalahkan taruhan ini.

Omong-omong, di video terbaru saya, saya membahas cara menghasilkan $5000 sebulan dengan bermain poker.

Gaji Tahunan Pemain Poker Profesional

Bagaimana dengan gaji tahunan untuk pemain poker profesional? Berapa banyak yang biasanya mereka bawa pulang dalam satu tahun kalender?

Yah, ini sangat bergantung pada seberapa banyak volume yang mereka masukkan. Atau dalam bahasa Inggris yang sederhana, berapa banyak poker yang mereka mainkan.

Beberapa pro poker sejujurnya agak malas dan hanya berusaha seminimal mungkin untuk membayar tagihan. Karena bagaimanapun mereka bisa melakukan ini.

Tidak ada bos yang memberi tahu mereka apa yang harus dilakukan!

Ini adalah salah satu bagian terbaik tentang menjadi pro poker. Dan begitulah cara saya bertindak selama beberapa tahun pertama karir poker profesional saya.

Artinya, hanya berusaha seminimal mungkin. Hanya bermain beberapa jam di akhir pekan, yang cukup untuk membayar tagihan saya.

Tetapi akhirnya saya menjadi pintar dan menyadari bahwa saya perlu menjadi seorang poker pro dengan lebih serius.

Jadi saya mulai bermain lebih konsisten, seringkali 7 hari seminggu selama 8-12 jam setiap hari. Dan kemudian karir pro poker saya akhirnya mulai lepas landas.

Saya juga menghabiskan beberapa jam lagi per hari untuk mempelajari permainan saya sendiri dan mempelajari strategi poker tingkat lanjut sebagai sampingan.

Mari kita fokus pada pro poker rata-rata yang memainkan sejumlah poker di suatu tempat di tengah dua ekstrem ini.

Artinya, seorang profesional poker yang bermain sekitar 5 hari seminggu selama 4-8 jam per hari. Gaji tahunan seperti apa yang bisa diharapkan oleh pemain poker profesional seperti ini?

Nah, gaji tahunan pemain poker profesional taruhan kecil atau menengah dalam kasus ini adalah antara $ 25.000 per tahun dan $ 500.000 per tahun.

Sekali lagi, ini akan sangat bervariasi pada taruhan apa yang mereka mainkan dan seberapa banyak mereka bekerja untuk meningkatkan tingkat kemenangan mereka (bb/100 atau bb/jam).

Dan gaji tahunan pemain poker profesional taruhan tinggi bisa antara $500.000 per tahun dan $10.000.000 atau lebih.

Tetapi sekali lagi perlu disebutkan bahwa hanya ada sedikit pemain poker yang mampu secara konsisten mengalahkan permainan taruhan tinggi yang penuh dengan pemain profesional kelas dunia.

Hasilkan $5000 Per Bulan dalam Permainan Poker Taruhan Rendah Dengan Cheat Sheet Poker Gratis Saya.

Apakah Anda kesulitan mengalahkan permainan poker taruhan rendah online atau langsung? Apakah Anda ingin mendapatkan penghasilan paruh waktu yang konsisten dengan memainkan game-game ini?

Itulah mengapa saya menulis lembar contekan poker kecil 50 halaman gratis ini untuk memberi Anda strategi yang tepat untuk mulai secara konsisten menghasilkan $1000 (atau lebih) per bulan dalam permainan poker taruhan rendah saat ini.

Ini adalah strategi poker yang tepat yang telah saya gunakan sebagai pemain poker profesional 10+ tahun.

Dan saya memaparkan semuanya untuk Anda langkah demi langkah dalam panduan gratis ini. Masukkan detail Anda di bawah ini dan saya akan mengirimkan lembar contekan poker gratis saya ke kotak masuk Anda sekarang.

Bagaimana Cara Meningkatkan Gaji Anda Sebagai Pemain Poker Profesional?

Jika Anda sudah menjadi pemain poker profesional, atau Anda berencana untuk menjadi pemain poker profesional, bagaimana Anda akan meningkatkan gaji Anda?

Cara termudah untuk melakukannya adalah dengan meningkatkan level keahlian Anda.

Misalnya, ada banyak sekali program pelatihan poker tingkat tinggi yang tersedia saat ini seperti Universitas Poker Elite saya yang baru.

17+ jam dari strategi poker paling canggih yang tersedia saat ini, ratusan contoh tangan dan “lembar contekan” yang menunjukkan kepada Anda tangan mana yang harus dimainkan, kapan harus bertaruh menaikkan dan menggertak.

Jika Anda berjuang untuk mengalahkan pemain bagus dalam permainan taruhan tinggi, ini adalah cara tercepat untuk mulai menghancurkan pemain ini dan mempelajari keterampilan pemain poker profesional.

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Intinya, ikuti pelatihan poker Anda dan belajar jauh dari tabel dengan serius, untuk menjadi pemain yang jauh lebih efisien, dengan upah per jam rata-rata yang lebih tinggi.

Sebagai pemain poker profesional, saya sangat menyarankan Anda berinvestasi dalam pengetahuan poker Anda, dengan mempelajari strategi mutakhir terbaru, jika Anda ingin tetap berada di puncak permainan.

Kembali ke Dasar

Bagaimana jika Anda masih baru memulai dan berjuang untuk menghasilkan keuntungan dengan taruhan terendah?

Jika Anda masih berjuang di batas bawah, maka Anda mungkin belum siap untuk sesuatu yang canggih seperti The Upswing Lab. Anda perlu memastikan bahwa Anda telah menguasai dasar-dasarnya terlebih dahulu.

Dalam hal ini saya akan merekomendasikan untuk memeriksa buku strategi poker terlaris saya Menghancurkan Microstakes dan kursus video opsional yang menyertainya juga.

Di sini saya mengajari Anda strategi poker dasar yang Anda butuhkan untuk mulai mengalahkan batas terendah dengan percaya diri dan meningkatkan taruhan Anda.

Karena saya memiliki beberapa hasil terbaik sepanjang masa dalam game online ini, Anda tahu bahwa Anda sedang mempelajari strategi terbaik untuk menang besar dalam game ini.

Terakhir, saya juga sangat merekomendasikan menggunakan program pelacakan poker yang bagus seperti PokerTracker untuk meninjau tangan Anda dan mempelajari lawan Anda.

Saya telah menghabiskan waktu berjam-jam untuk meningkatkan permainan poker saya jauh dari tabel di PokerTracker selama bertahun-tahun. Dan itu benar-benar salah satu kunci kesuksesan saya.

Pajak Pemain Poker Profesional

Sekarang, sesuatu yang juga banyak orang tanyakan kepada saya adalah pajak apa yang harus dibayar oleh pemain poker profesional.

Dan sejujurnya, ini adalah pertanyaan yang sulit untuk saya jawab karena tentu saja akan sangat bervariasi tergantung di mana Anda tinggal (atau di mana tempat tinggal pajak Anda).

Misalnya, beberapa negara memandang kemenangan poker sebagai “rejeki nomplok perjudian” seperti keberuntungan di roda roulette dan oleh karena itu, mereka tidak kena pajak.

Sedangkan negara lain mendefinisikan poker sebagai permainan keterampilan, yang memang terbukti, dan karena itu membuat pemain poker profesional mengajukan pengembalian pajak.

Dan tentu saja ada banyak negara lain di mana pajak pemain poker profesional pada dasarnya adalah satu area abu-abu besar yang terbuka untuk interpretasi.

Hal terbaik yang harus dilakukan dalam semua kasus ini jika Anda seorang pemain poker profesional adalah berkonsultasi dengan seorang profesional pajak yang kompeten, dan terutama yang memiliki pengalaman khusus dalam menangani pendapatan terkait poker atau perjudian.

Ini akan menjadi taruhan terbaik Anda untuk memastikan bahwa Anda mematuhi semua undang-undang perpajakan yang berlaku untuk pemain poker profesional di yurisdiksi tempat Anda tinggal.

Mereka juga akan dapat membantu Anda mungkin menyiapkan tempat tinggal pajak yang lebih menguntungkan untuk menurunkan beban pajak Anda sebagai ahli poker, sekali lagi jika berlaku (berkonsultasilah dengan spesialis pajak profesional).

Peluang Menjadi Pemain Poker Profesional

Sekarang dengan semua itu, apa peluang Anda untuk menjadi pemain poker profesional akhir-akhir ini? Berapa banyak orang yang bahkan perlu mengkhawatirkan semua hal ini?

Sejujurnya, peluang menjadi pemain poker profesional cukup rendah.

Seperti yang baru-baru ini saya bahas di blog ini, kebenaran tentang menjadi pemain poker profesional akhir-akhir ini seringkali jauh berbeda dari persepsi umum tentangnya.

Dan kebanyakan orang sejujurnya tidak berhasil sebagai pemain poker profesional karena berbagai alasan.

Faktanya, kebanyakan orang bahkan tidak menang di poker sejak awal dalam jangka panjang!

Ini karena poker adalah permainan yang sangat sulit untuk selalu diunggulkan, baik dari segi teknis maupun mental.

Ini adalah sesuatu yang telah dibahas berkali-kali oleh para profesional poker kelas dunia seperti Daniel Negreanu.

Anda harus bekerja keras, bersemangat, memiliki kemampuan alami dan memiliki watak yang tenang dan tenang untuk memandu Anda melalui semua kekalahan beruntun yang tak terelakkan.

Kebanyakan orang memiliki satu tetapi tidak keduanya.

Menjadi pemain poker profesional bisa menjadi pilihan karir yang bagus untuk beberapa orang. Itu mengubah seluruh hidup saya dan memberi saya kebebasan untuk berkeliling dunia dan menjadi bos bagi diri saya sendiri.

Tetapi kenyataannya adalah hal itu tidak berjalan dengan baik bagi kebanyakan orang. Kebanyakan orang menurut pendapat saya harus mempertahankan pekerjaan harian mereka.

Ngomong-ngomong, saya membahas ini lebih detail dalam pelatihan Elite Poker University baru saya.

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Pikiran Akhir

Jadi berapa gaji rata-rata pemain poker profesional saat ini?

Nah, jika Anda seorang pro poker taruhan kecil atau menengah, Anda dapat mengharapkan untuk mendapatkan upah rata-rata per jam kira-kira antara $20 per jam dan $500 per jam.

Di sisi lain, pemain poker profesional taruhan tinggi biasanya akan menghasilkan lebih dari ini karena mereka bermain poker untuk mendapatkan lebih banyak uang.

Adapun gaji tahunan seorang profesional poker. Sekali lagi pemain poker profesional taruhan kecil atau menengah akan menghasilkan antara $25.000 per tahun dan $500.000 per tahun.

Dan pro poker taruhan tinggi akan menghasilkan jauh lebih banyak dari ini, biasanya lebih dari 7 angka per tahun.

Menjadi pemain poker profesional akhir-akhir ini jelas tidak mudah dan membutuhkan banyak kerja keras, kesabaran, dan disiplin.

Saya tidak merekomendasikannya untuk kebanyakan orang!

Untungnya, jauh lebih mudah untuk mempelajari cara cepat mulai menghasilkan pendapatan paruh waktu yang bagus dari poker hari ini sambil mempertahankan pekerjaan harian Anda.

Jika Anda ingin mempelajari cara mulai menghasilkan pendapatan sampingan yang layak dalam permainan poker taruhan kecil, saya sarankan Anda mengambil salinan lembar contekan poker gratis saya.

Philosophy of Education

Philosophy of Education

Philosophy of Education

1. Problems in Delineating the Field

The inward/outward looking nature of the field of philosophy of education alluded to above makes the task of delineating the field, of giving an over-all picture of the intellectual landscape, somewhat complicated (for a detailed account of this topography, see Phillips 1985, 2010). Suffice it to say that some philosophers, as well as focusing inward on the abstract philosophical issues that concern them, are drawn outwards to discuss or comment on issues that are more commonly regarded as falling within the purview of professional educators, educational researchers, policy-makers and the like. (An example is Michael Scriven, who in his early career was a prominent philosopher of science; later he became a central figure in the development of the field of evaluation of educational and social programs. See Scriven 1991a, 1991b.) At the same time, there are professionals in the educational or closely related spheres who are drawn to discuss one or another of the philosophical issues that they encounter in the course of their work. (An example here is the behaviorist psychologist B.F. Skinner, the central figure in the development of operant conditioning and programmed learning, who in works such as Walden Two (1948) and Beyond Freedom and Dignity (1972) grappled—albeit controversially—with major philosophical issues that were related to his work.)

What makes the field even more amorphous is the existence of works on educational topics, written by well-regarded philosophers who have made major contributions to their discipline; these educational reflections have little or no philosophical content, illustrating the truth that philosophers do not always write philosophy. However, despite this, works in this genre have often been treated as contributions to philosophy of education. (Examples include John Locke’s Some Thoughts Concerning Education [1693] and Bertrand Russell’s rollicking pieces written primarily to raise funds to support a progressive school he ran with his wife. (See Park 1965.)

Finally, as indicated earlier, the domain of education is vast, the issues it raises are almost overwhelmingly numerous and are of great complexity, and the social significance of the field is second to none. These features make the phenomena and problems of education of great interest to a wide range of socially-concerned intellectuals, who bring with them their own favored conceptual frameworks—concepts, theories and ideologies, methods of analysis and argumentation, metaphysical and other assumptions, and the like. It is not surprising that scholars who work in this broad genre also find a home in the field of philosophy of education.

As a result of these various factors, the significant intellectual and social trends of the past few centuries, together with the significant developments in philosophy, all have had an impact on the content of arguments and methods of argumentation in philosophy of education—Marxism, psycho-analysis, existentialism, phenomenology, positivism, post-modernism, pragmatism, neo-liberalism, the several waves of feminism, analytic philosophy in both its ordinary language and more formal guises, are merely the tip of the iceberg.

2. Analytic Philosophy of Education and Its Influence

Conceptual analysis, careful assessment of arguments, the rooting out of ambiguity, the drawing of clarifying distinctions—all of which are at least part of the philosophical toolkit—have been respected activities within philosophy from the dawn of the field. No doubt it somewhat over-simplifies the complex path of intellectual history to suggest that what happened in the twentieth century—early on, in the home discipline itself, and with a lag of a decade or more in philosophy of education—is that philosophical analysis came to be viewed by some scholars as being the major philosophical activity (or set of activities), or even as being the only viable or reputable activity. In any case, as they gained prominence and for a time hegemonic influence during the rise of analytic philosophy early in the twentieth century analytic techniques came to dominate philosophy of education in the middle third of that century (Curren, Robertson, & Hager 2003).

The pioneering work in the modern period entirely in an analytic mode was the short monograph by C.D. Hardie, Truth and Fallacy in Educational Theory (1941; reissued in 1962). In his Introduction, Hardie (who had studied with C.D. Broad and I.A. Richards) made it clear that he was putting all his eggs into the ordinary-language-analysis basket:

The Cambridge analytical school, led by Moore, Broad and Wittgenstein, has attempted so to analyse propositions that it will always be apparent whether the disagreement between philosophers is one concerning matters of fact, or is one concerning the use of words, or is, as is frequently the case, a purely emotive one. It is time, I think, that a similar attitude became common in the field of educational theory. (Hardie 1962: xix)

About a decade after the end of the Second World War the floodgates opened and a stream of work in the analytic mode appeared; the following is merely a sample. D. J. O’Connor published An Introduction to Philosophy of Education (1957) in which, among other things, he argued that the word “theory” as it is used in educational contexts is merely a courtesy title, for educational theories are nothing like what bear this title in the natural sciences. Israel Scheffler, who became the paramount philosopher of education in North America, produced a number of important works including The Language of Education (1960), which contained clarifying and influential analyses of definitions (he distinguished reportive, stipulative, and programmatic types) and the logic of slogans (often these are literally meaningless, and, he argued, should be seen as truncated arguments), Conditions of Knowledge (1965), still the best introduction to the epistemological side of philosophy of education, and Reason and Teaching (1973 [1989]), which in a wide-ranging and influential series of essays makes the case for regarding the fostering of rationality/critical thinking as a fundamental educational ideal (cf. Siegel 2016). B. O. Smith and R. H. Ennis edited the volume Language and Concepts in Education (1961); and R.D. Archambault edited Philosophical Analysis and Education (1965), consisting of essays by a number of prominent British writers, most notably R. S. Peters (whose status in Britain paralleled that of Scheffler in the United States), Paul Hirst, and John Wilson. Topics covered in the Archambault volume were typical of those that became the “bread and butter” of analytic philosophy of education (APE) throughout the English-speaking world—education as a process of initiation, liberal education, the nature of knowledge, types of teaching, and instruction versus indoctrination.

Among the most influential products of APE was the analysis developed by Hirst and Peters (1970) and Peters (1973) of the concept of education itself. Using as a touchstone “normal English usage,” it was concluded that a person who has been educated (rather than instructed or indoctrinated) has been (i) changed for the better; (ii) this change has involved the acquisition of knowledge and intellectual skills and the development of understanding; and (iii) the person has come to care for, or be committed to, the domains of knowledge and skill into which he or she has been initiated. The method used by Hirst and Peters comes across clearly in their handling of the analogy with the concept of “reform”, one they sometimes drew upon for expository purposes. A criminal who has been reformed has changed for the better, and has developed a commitment to the new mode of life (if one or other of these conditions does not hold, a speaker of standard English would not say the criminal has been reformed). Clearly the analogy with reform breaks down with respect to the knowledge and understanding conditions. Elsewhere Peters developed the fruitful notion of “education as initiation”.

The concept of indoctrination was also of great interest to analytic philosophers of education, for, it was argued, getting clear about precisely what constitutes indoctrination also would serve to clarify the border that demarcates it from acceptable educational processes. Thus, whether or not an instructional episode was a case of indoctrination was determined by the content taught, the intention of the instructor, the methods of instruction used, the outcomes of the instruction, or by some combination of these. Adherents of the different analyses used the same general type of argument to make their case, namely, appeal to normal and aberrant usage. Unfortunately, ordinary language analysis did not lead to unanimity of opinion about where this border was located, and rival analyses of the concept were put forward (Snook 1972). The danger of restricting analysis to ordinary language (“normal English usage”) was recognized early on by Scheffler, whose preferred view of analysis emphasized

first, its greater sophistication as regards language, and the interpenetration of language and inquiry, second, its attempt to follow the modern example of the sciences in empirical spirit, in rigor, in attention to detail, in respect for alternatives, and in objectivity of method, and third, its use of techniques of symbolic logic brought to full development only in the last fifty years… It is…this union of scientific spirit and logical method applied toward the clarification of basic ideas that characterizes current analytic philosophy [and that ought to characterize analytic philosophy of education]. (Scheffler 1973 [1989: 9–10])

After a period of dominance, for a number of important reasons the influence of APE went into decline. First, there were growing criticisms that the work of analytic philosophers of education had become focused upon minutiae and in the main was bereft of practical import. (It is worth noting that a 1966 article in Time, reprinted in Lucas 1969, had put forward the same criticism of mainstream philosophy.) Second, in the early 1970’s radical students in Britain accused Peters’ brand of linguistic analysis of conservatism, and of tacitly giving support to “traditional values”—they raised the issue of whose English usage was being analyzed?

Third, criticisms of language analysis in mainstream philosophy had been mounting for some time, and finally after a lag of many years were reaching the attention of philosophers of education; there even had been a surprising degree of interest on the part of the general reading public in the United Kingdom as early as 1959, when Gilbert Ryle, editor of the journal Mind, refused to commission a review of Ernest Gellner’s Words and Things (1959)—a detailed and quite acerbic critique of Wittgenstein’s philosophy and its espousal of ordinary language analysis. (Ryle argued that Gellner’s book was too insulting, a view that drew Bertrand Russell into the fray on Gellner’s side—in the daily press, no less; Russell produced a list of insulting remarks drawn from the work of great philosophers of the past. See Mehta 1963.)

Richard Peters had been given warning that all was not well with APE at a conference in Canada in 1966; after delivering a paper on “The aims of education: A conceptual inquiry” that was based on ordinary language analysis, a philosopher in the audience (William Dray) asked Peters “whose concepts do we analyze?” Dray went on to suggest that different people, and different groups within society, have different concepts of education. Five years before the radical students raised the same issue, Dray pointed to the possibility that what Peters had presented under the guise of a “logical analysis” was nothing but the favored usage of a certain class of persons—a class that Peters happened to identify with (see Peters 1973, where to the editor’s credit the interaction with Dray is reprinted).

Fourth, during the decade of the seventies when these various critiques of analytic philosophy were in the process of eroding its luster, a spate of translations from the Continent stimulated some philosophers of education in Britain and North America to set out in new directions, and to adopt a new style of writing and argumentation. Key works by Gadamer, Foucault and Derrida appeared in English, and these were followed in 1984 by Lyotard’s The Postmodern Condition. The classic works of Heidegger and Husserl also found new admirers; and feminist philosophers of education were finding their voices—Maxine Greene published a number of pieces in the 1970s and 1980s, including The Dialectic of Freedom (1988); the influential book by Nel Noddings, Caring: A Feminine Approach to Ethics and Moral Education, appeared the same year as the work by Lyotard, followed a year later by Jane Roland Martin’s Reclaiming a Conversation. In more recent years all these trends have continued. APE was and is no longer the center of interest, although, as indicated below, it still retains its voice.

As was stressed at the outset, the field of education is huge and contains within it a virtually inexhaustible number of issues that are of philosophical interest. To attempt comprehensive coverage of how philosophers of education have been working within this thicket would be a quixotic task for a large single volume and is out of the question for a solitary encyclopedia entry. Nevertheless, a valiant attempt to give an overview was made in A Companion to the Philosophy of Education (Curren 2003), which contains more than six-hundred pages divided into forty-five chapters each of which surveys a subfield of work. The following random selection of chapter topics gives a sense of the enormous scope of the field: Sex education, special education, science education, aesthetic education, theories of teaching and learning, religious education, knowledge, truth and learning, cultivating reason, the measurement of learning, multicultural education, education and the politics of identity, education and standards of living, motivation and classroom management, feminism, critical theory, postmodernism, romanticism, the purposes of universities, affirmative action in higher education, and professional education. The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of Education (Siegel 2009) contains a similarly broad range of articles on (among other things) the epistemic and moral aims of education, liberal education and its imminent demise, thinking and reasoning, fallibilism and fallibility, indoctrination, authenticity, the development of rationality, Socratic teaching, educating the imagination, caring and empathy in moral education, the limits of moral education, the cultivation of character, values education, curriculum and the value of knowledge, education and democracy, art and education, science education and religious toleration, constructivism and scientific methods, multicultural education, prejudice, authority and the interests of children, and on pragmatist, feminist, and postmodernist approaches to philosophy of education.

Given this enormous range, there is no non-arbitrary way to select a small number of topics for further discussion, nor can the topics that are chosen be pursued in great depth. The choice of those below has been made with an eye to highlighting contemporary work that makes solid contact with and contributes to important discussions in general philosophy and/or the academic educational and educational research communities.

3.1 The Content of the Curriculum and the Aims and Functions of Schooling

The issue of what should be taught to students at all levels of education—the issue of curriculum content—obviously is a fundamental one, and it is an extraordinarily difficult one with which to grapple. In tackling it, care needs to be taken to distinguish between education and schooling—for although education can occur in schools, so can mis-education, and many other things can take place there that are educationally orthogonal (such as the provision of free or subsidized lunches and the development of social networks); and it also must be recognized that education can occur in the home, in libraries and museums, in churches and clubs, in solitary interaction with the public media, and the like.

In developing a curriculum (whether in a specific subject area, or more broadly as the whole range of offerings in an educational institution or system), a number of difficult decisions need to be made. Issues such as the proper ordering or sequencing of topics in the chosen subject, the time to be allocated to each topic, the lab work or excursions or projects that are appropriate for particular topics, can all be regarded as technical issues best resolved either by educationists who have a depth of experience with the target age group or by experts in the psychology of learning and the like. But there are deeper issues, ones concerning the validity of the justifications that have been given for including/excluding particular subjects or topics in the offerings of formal educational institutions. (Why should evolution or creation “science” be included, or excluded, as a topic within the standard high school subject Biology? Is the justification that is given for teaching Economics in some schools coherent and convincing? Do the justifications for including/excluding materials on birth control, patriotism, the Holocaust or wartime atrocities in the curriculum in some school districts stand up to critical scrutiny?)

The different justifications for particular items of curriculum content that have been put forward by philosophers and others since Plato’s pioneering efforts all draw, explicitly or implicitly, upon the positions that the respective theorists hold about at least three sets of issues.

First, what are the aims and/or functions of education (aims and functions are not necessarily the same)? Many aims have been proposed; a short list includes the production of knowledge and knowledgeable students, the fostering of curiosity and inquisitiveness, the enhancement of understanding, the enlargement of the imagination, the civilizing of students, the fostering of rationality and/or autonomy, and the development in students of care, concern and associated dispositions and attitudes (see Siegel 2007 for a longer list). The justifications offered for all such aims have been controversial, and alternative justifications of a single proposed aim can provoke philosophical controversy. Consider the aim of autonomy. Aristotle asked, what constitutes the good life and/or human flourishing, such that education should foster these (Curren 2013)? These two formulations are related, for it is arguable that our educational institutions should aim to equip individuals to pursue this good life—although this is not obvious, both because it is not clear that there is one conception of the good or flourishing life that is the good or flourishing life for everyone, and it is not clear that this is a question that should be settled in advance rather than determined by students for themselves. Thus, for example, if our view of human flourishing includes the capacity to think and act autonomously, then the case can be made that educational institutions—and their curricula—should aim to prepare, or help to prepare, autonomous individuals. A rival justification of the aim of autonomy, associated with Kant, champions the educational fostering of autonomy not on the basis of its contribution to human flourishing, but rather the obligation to treat students with respect as persons (Scheffler 1973 [1989]; Siegel 1988). Still others urge the fostering of autonomy on the basis of students’ fundamental interests, in ways that draw upon both Aristotelian and Kantian conceptual resources (Brighouse 2005, 2009). It is also possible to reject the fostering of autonomy as an educational aim (Hand 2006).

Assuming that the aim can be justified, how students should be helped to become autonomous or develop a conception of the good life and pursue it is of course not immediately obvious, and much philosophical ink has been spilled on the general question of how best to determine curriculum content. One influential line of argument was developed by Paul Hirst, who argued that knowledge is essential for developing and then pursuing a conception of the good life, and because logical analysis shows, he argued, that there are seven basic forms of knowledge, the case can be made that the function of the curriculum is to introduce students to each of these forms (Hirst 1965; see Phillips 1987: ch. 11). Another, suggested by Scheffler, is that curriculum content should be selected so as “to help the learner attain maximum self-sufficiency as economically as possible.” The relevant sorts of economy include those of resources, teacher effort, student effort, and the generalizability or transfer value of content, while the self-sufficiency in question includes

self-awareness, imaginative weighing of alternative courses of action, understanding of other people’s choices and ways of life, decisiveness without rigidity, emancipation from stereotyped ways of thinking and perceiving…empathy… intuition, criticism and independent judgment. (Scheffler 1973 [1989: 123–5])

Both impose important constraints on the curricular content to be taught.

Second, is it justifiable to treat the curriculum of an educational institution as a vehicle for furthering the socio-political interests and goals of a dominant group, or any particular group, including one’s own; and relatedly, is it justifiable to design the curriculum so that it serves as an instrument of control or of social engineering? In the closing decades of the twentieth century there were numerous discussions of curriculum theory, particularly from Marxist and postmodern perspectives, that offered the sobering analysis that in many educational systems, including those in Western democracies, the curriculum did indeed reflect and serve the interests of powerful cultural elites. What to do about this situation (if it is indeed the situation of contemporary educational institutions) is far from clear and is the focus of much work at the interface of philosophy of education and social/political philosophy, some of which is discussed in the next section. A closely related question is this: ought educational institutions be designed to further pre-determined social ends, or rather to enable students to competently evaluate all such ends? Scheffler argued that we should opt for the latter: we must

surrender the idea of shaping or molding the mind of the pupil. The function of education…is rather to liberate the mind, strengthen its critical powers, [and] inform it with knowledge and the capacity for independent inquiry. (Scheffler 1973 [1989: 139])

Third, should educational programs at the elementary and secondary levels be made up of a number of disparate offerings, so that individuals with different interests and abilities and affinities for learning can pursue curricula that are suitable? Or should every student pursue the same curriculum as far as each is able?—a curriculum, it should be noted, that in past cases nearly always was based on the needs or interests of those students who were academically inclined or were destined for elite social roles. Mortimer Adler and others in the late twentieth century sometimes used the aphorism “the best education for the best is the best education for all.”

The thinking here can be explicated in terms of the analogy of an out-of-control virulent disease, for which there is only one type of medicine available; taking a large dose of this medicine is extremely beneficial, and the hope is that taking only a little—while less effective—is better than taking none at all. Medically, this is dubious, while the educational version—forcing students to work, until they exit the system, on topics that do not interest them and for which they have no facility or motivation—has even less merit. (For a critique of Adler and his Paideia Proposal, see Noddings 2015.) It is interesting to compare the modern “one curriculum track for all” position with Plato’s system outlined in the Republic, according to which all students—and importantly this included girls—set out on the same course of study. Over time, as they moved up the educational ladder it would become obvious that some had reached the limit imposed upon them by nature, and they would be directed off into appropriate social roles in which they would find fulfillment, for their abilities would match the demands of these roles. Those who continued on with their education would eventually become members of the ruling class of Guardians.

3.2 Social, Political and Moral Philosophy

The publication of John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice in 1971 was the most notable event in the history of political philosophy over the last century. The book spurred a period of ferment in political philosophy that included, among other things, new research on educationally fundamental themes. The principles of justice in educational distribution have perhaps been the dominant theme in this literature, and Rawls’s influence on its development has been pervasive.

Rawls’s theory of justice made so-called “fair equality of opportunity” one of its constitutive principles. Fair equality of opportunity entailed that the distribution of education would not put the children of those who currently occupied coveted social positions at any competitive advantage over other, equally talented and motivated children seeking the qualifications for those positions (Rawls 1971: 72–75). Its purpose was to prevent socio-economic differences from hardening into social castes that were perpetuated across generations. One obvious criticism of fair equality of opportunity is that it does not prohibit an educational distribution that lavished resources on the most talented children while offering minimal opportunities to others. So long as untalented students from wealthy families were assigned opportunities no better than those available to their untalented peers among the poor, no breach of the principle would occur. Even the most moderate egalitarians might find such a distributive regime to be intuitively repugnant.

Repugnance might be mitigated somewhat by the ways in which the overall structure of Rawls’s conception of justice protects the interests of those who fare badly in educational competition. All citizens must enjoy the same basic liberties, and equal liberty always has moral priority over equal opportunity: the former can never be compromised to advance the latter. Further, inequality in the distribution of income and wealth are permitted only to the degree that it serves the interests of the least advantaged group in society. But even with these qualifications, fair equality of opportunity is arguably less than really fair to anyone. The fact that their education should secure ends other than access to the most selective social positions—ends such as artistic appreciation, the kind of self-knowledge that humanistic study can furnish, or civic virtue—is deemed irrelevant according to Rawls’s principle. But surely it is relevant, given that a principle of educational justice must be responsive to the full range of educationally important goods.

Suppose we revise our account of the goods included in educational distribution so that aesthetic appreciation, say, and the necessary understanding and virtue for conscientious citizenship count for just as much as job-related skills. An interesting implication of doing so is that the rationale for requiring equality under any just distribution becomes decreasingly clear. That is because job-related skills are positional whereas the other educational goods are not (Hollis 1982). If you and I both aspire to a career in business management for which we are equally qualified, any increase in your job-related skills is a corresponding disadvantage to me unless I can catch up. Positional goods have a competitive structure by definition, though the ends of civic or aesthetic education do not fit that structure. If you and I aspire to be good citizens and are equal in civic understanding and virtue, an advance in your civic education is no disadvantage to me. On the contrary, it is easier to be a good citizen the better other citizens learn to be. At the very least, so far as non-positional goods figure in our conception of what counts as a good education, the moral stakes of inequality are thereby lowered.

In fact, an emerging alternative to fair equality of opportunity is a principle that stipulates some benchmark of adequacy in achievement or opportunity as the relevant standard of distribution. But it is misleading to represent this as a contrast between egalitarian and sufficientarian conceptions. Philosophically serious interpretations of adequacy derive from the ideal of equal citizenship (Satz 2007; Anderson 2007). Then again, fair equality of opportunity in Rawls’s theory is derived from a more fundamental ideal of equality among citizens. This was arguably true in A Theory of Justice but it is certainly true in his later work (Dworkin 1977: 150–183; Rawls 1993). So, both Rawls’s principle and the emerging alternative share an egalitarian foundation. The debate between adherents of equal opportunity and those misnamed as sufficientarians is certainly not over (e.g., Brighouse & Swift 2009; Jacobs 2010; Warnick 2015). Further progress will likely hinge on explicating the most compelling conception of the egalitarian foundation from which distributive principles are to be inferred. Another Rawls-inspired alternative is that a “prioritarian” distribution of achievement or opportunity might turn out to be the best principle we can come up with—i.e., one that favors the interests of the least advantaged students (Schouten 2012).

The publication of Rawls’s Political Liberalism in 1993 signaled a decisive turning point in his thinking about justice. In his earlier book, the theory of justice had been presented as if it were universally valid. But Rawls had come to think that any theory of justice presented as such was open to reasonable rejection. A more circumspect approach to justification would seek grounds for justice as fairness in an overlapping consensus between the many reasonable values and doctrines that thrive in a democratic political culture. Rawls argued that such a culture is informed by a shared ideal of free and equal citizenship that provided a new, distinctively democratic framework for justifying a conception of justice. The shift to political liberalism involved little revision on Rawls’s part to the content of the principles he favored. But the salience it gave to questions about citizenship in the fabric of liberal political theory had important educational implications. How was the ideal of free and equal citizenship to be instantiated in education in a way that accommodated the range of reasonable values and doctrines encompassed in an overlapping consensus? Political Liberalism has inspired a range of answers to that question (cf. Callan 1997; Clayton 2006; Bull 2008).

Other philosophers besides Rawls in the 1990s took up a cluster of questions about civic education, and not always from a liberal perspective. Alasdair Macintyre’s After Virtue (1984) strongly influenced the development of communitarian political theory which, as its very name might suggest, argued that the cultivation of community could preempt many of the problems with conflicting individual rights at the core of liberalism. As a full-standing alternative to liberalism, communitarianism might have little to recommend it. But it was a spur for liberal philosophers to think about how communities could be built and sustained to support the more familiar projects of liberal politics (e.g., Strike 2010). Furthermore, its arguments often converged with those advanced by feminist exponents of the ethic of care (Noddings 1984; Gilligan 1982). Noddings’ work is particularly notable because she inferred a cogent and radical agenda for the reform of schools from her conception of care (Noddings 1992).

One persistent controversy in citizenship theory has been about whether patriotism is correctly deemed a virtue, given our obligations to those who are not our fellow citizens in an increasingly interdependent world and the sordid history of xenophobia with which modern nation states are associated. The controversy is partly about what we should teach in our schools and is commonly discussed by philosophers in that context (Galston 1991; Ben-Porath 2006; Callan 2006; Miller 2007; Curren & Dorn 2018). The controversy is related to a deeper and more pervasive question about how morally or intellectually taxing the best conception of our citizenship should be. The more taxing it is, the more constraining its derivative conception of civic education will be. Contemporary political philosophers offer divergent arguments about these matters. For example, Gutmann and Thompson claim that citizens of diverse democracies need to “understand the diverse ways of life of their fellow citizens” (Gutmann & Thompson 1996: 66). The need arises from the obligation of reciprocity which they (like Rawls) believe to be integral to citizenship. Because I must seek to cooperate with others politically on terms that make sense from their moral perspective as well as my own, I must be ready to enter that perspective imaginatively so as to grasp its distinctive content. Many such perspectives prosper in liberal democracies, and so the task of reciprocal understanding is necessarily onerous. Still, our actions qua deliberative citizen must be grounded in such reciprocity if political cooperation on terms acceptable to us as (diversely) morally motivated citizens is to be possible at all. This is tantamount to an imperative to think autonomously inside the role of citizen because I cannot close-mindedly resist critical consideration of moral views alien to my own without flouting my responsibilities as a deliberative citizen.

Civic education does not exhaust the domain of moral education, even though the more robust conceptions of equal citizenship have far-reaching implications for just relations in civil society and the family. The study of moral education has traditionally taken its bearings from normative ethics rather than political philosophy, and this is largely true of work undertaken in recent decades. The major development here has been the revival of virtue ethics as an alternative to the deontological and consequentialist theories that dominated discussion for much of the twentieth century.

The defining idea of virtue ethics is that our criterion of moral right and wrong must derive from a conception of how the ideally virtuous agent would distinguish between the two. Virtue ethics is thus an alternative to both consequentialism and deontology which locate the relevant criterion in producing good consequences or meeting the requirements of moral duty respectively. The debate about the comparative merits of these theories is not resolved, but from an educational perspective that may be less important than it has sometimes seemed to antagonists in the debate. To be sure, adjudicating between rival theories in normative ethics might shed light on how best to construe the process of moral education, and philosophical reflection on the process might help us to adjudicate between the theories. There has been extensive work on habituation and virtue, largely inspired by Aristotle (Burnyeat 1980; Peters 1981). But whether this does anything to establish the superiority of virtue ethics over its competitors is far from obvious. Other aspects of moral education—in particular, the paired processes of role-modelling and identification—deserve much more scrutiny than they have received (Audi 2017; Kristjánsson 2015, 2017).

3.3 Social Epistemology, Virtue Epistemology, and the Epistemology of Education

Related to the issues concerning the aims and functions of education and schooling rehearsed above are those involving the specifically epistemic aims of education and attendant issues treated by social and virtue epistemologists. (The papers collected in Kotzee 2013 and Baehr 2016 highlight the current and growing interactions among social epistemologists, virtue epistemologists, and philosophers of education.)

There is, first, a lively debate concerning putative epistemic aims. Alvin Goldman argues that truth (or knowledge understood in the “weak” sense of true belief) is the fundamental epistemic aim of education (Goldman 1999). Others, including the majority of historically significant philosophers of education, hold that critical thinking or rationality and rational belief (or knowledge in the “strong” sense that includes justification) is the basic epistemic educational aim (Bailin & Siegel 2003; Scheffler 1965, 1973 [1989]; Siegel 1988, 1997, 2005, 2017). Catherine Z. Elgin (1999a,b) and Duncan Pritchard (2013, 2016; Carter & Pritchard 2017) have independently urged that understanding is the basic aim. Pritchard’s view combines understanding with intellectual virtue; Jason Baehr (2011) systematically defends the fostering of the intellectual virtues as the fundamental epistemic aim of education. This cluster of views continues to engender ongoing discussion and debate. (Its complex literature is collected in Carter and Kotzee 2015, summarized in Siegel 2018, and helpfully analyzed in Watson 2016.)

A further controversy concerns the places of testimony and trust in the classroom: In what circumstances if any ought students to trust their teachers’ pronouncements, and why? Here the epistemology of education is informed by social epistemology, specifically the epistemology of testimony; the familiar reductionism/anti-reductionism controversy there is applicable to students and teachers. Anti-reductionists, who regard testimony as a basic source of justification, may with equanimity approve of students’ taking their teachers’ word at face value and believing what they say; reductionists may balk. Does teacher testimony itself constitute good reason for student belief?

The correct answer here seems clearly enough to be “it depends”. For very young children who have yet to acquire or develop the ability to subject teacher declarations to critical scrutiny, there seems to be little alternative to accepting what their teachers tell them. For older and more cognitively sophisticated students there seem to be more options: they can assess them for plausibility, compare them with other opinions, assess the teachers’ proffered reasons, subject them to independent evaluation, etc. Regarding “the teacher says that p” as itself a good reason to believe it appears moreover to contravene the widely shared conviction that an important educational aim is helping students to become able to evaluate candidate beliefs for themselves and believe accordingly. That said, all sides agree that sometimes believers, including students, have good reasons simply to trust what others tell them. There is thus more work to do here by both social epistemologists and philosophers of education (for further discussion see Goldberg 2013; Siegel 2005, 2018).

A further cluster of questions, of long-standing interest to philosophers of education, concerns indoctrination: How if at all does it differ from legitimate teaching? Is it inevitable, and if so is it not always necessarily bad? First, what is it? As we saw earlier, extant analyses focus on the aims or intentions of the indoctrinator, the methods employed, or the content transmitted. If the indoctrination is successful, all have the result that students/victims either don’t, won’t, or can’t subject the indoctrinated material to proper epistemic evaluation. In this way it produces both belief that is evidentially unsupported or contravened and uncritical dispositions to believe. It might seem obvious that indoctrination, so understood, is educationally undesirable. But it equally seems that very young children, at least, have no alternative but to believe sans evidence; they have yet to acquire the dispositions to seek and evaluate evidence, or the abilities to recognize evidence or evaluate it. Thus we seem driven to the views that indoctrination is both unavoidable and yet bad and to be avoided. It is not obvious how this conundrum is best handled. One option is to distinguish between acceptable and unacceptable indoctrination. Another is to distinguish between indoctrination (which is always bad) and non-indoctrinating belief inculcation, the latter being such that students are taught some things without reasons (the alphabet, the numbers, how to read and count, etc.), but in such a way that critical evaluation of all such material (and everything else) is prized and fostered (Siegel 1988: ch. 5). In the end the distinctions required by the two options might be extensionally equivalent (Siegel 2018).

Education, it is generally granted, fosters belief: in the typical propositional case, Smith teaches Jones that p, and if all goes well Jones learns it and comes to believe it. Education also has the task of fostering open-mindedness and an appreciation of our fallibility: All the theorists mentioned thus far, especially those in the critical thinking and intellectual virtue camps, urge their importance. But these two might seem at odds. If Jones (fully) believes that p, can she also be open-minded about it? Can she believe, for example, that earthquakes are caused by the movements of tectonic plates, while also believing that perhaps they aren’t? This cluster of italicized notions requires careful handling; it is helpfully discussed by Jonathan Adler (2002, 2003), who recommends regarding the latter two as meta-attitudes concerning one’s first-order beliefs rather than lessened degrees of belief or commitments to those beliefs.

Other traditional epistemological worries that impinge upon the epistemology of education concern (a) absolutism, pluralism and relativism with respect to knowledge, truth and justification as these relate to what is taught, (b) the character and status of group epistemologies and the prospects for understanding such epistemic goods “universalistically” in the face of “particularist” challenges, (c) the relation between “knowledge-how” and “knowledge-that” and their respective places in the curriculum, (d) concerns raised by multiculturalism and the inclusion/exclusion of marginalized perspectives in curriculum content and the classroom, and (e) further issues concerning teaching and learning. (There is more here than can be briefly summarized; for more references and systematic treatment cf. Bailin & Siegel 2003; Carter & Kotzee 2015; Cleverley & Phillips 1986; Robertson 2009; Siegel 2004, 2017; and Watson 2016.)

3.4 Philosophical Disputes Concerning Empirical Education Research

The educational research enterprise has been criticized for a century or more by politicians, policymakers, administrators, curriculum developers, teachers, philosophers of education, and by researchers themselves—but the criticisms have been contradictory. Charges of being “too ivory tower and theory-oriented” are found alongside “too focused on practice and too atheoretical”; but in light of the views of John Dewey and William James that the function of theory is to guide intelligent practice and problem-solving, it is becoming more fashionable to hold that the “theory v. practice” dichotomy is a false one. (For an illuminating account of the historical development of educational research and its tribulations, see Lagemann 2000.)

A similar trend can be discerned with respect to the long warfare between two rival groups of research methods—on one hand quantitative/statistical approaches to research, and on the other hand the qualitative/ethnographic family. (The choice of labels here is not entirely risk-free, for they have been contested; furthermore the first approach is quite often associated with “experimental” studies, and the latter with “case studies”, but this is an over-simplification.) For several decades these two rival methodological camps were treated by researchers and a few philosophers of education as being rival paradigms (Kuhn’s ideas, albeit in a very loose form, have been influential in the field of educational research), and the dispute between them was commonly referred to as “the paradigm wars”. In essence the issue at stake was epistemological: members of the quantitative/experimental camp believed that only their methods could lead to well-warranted knowledge claims, especially about the causal factors at play in educational phenomena, and on the whole they regarded qualitative methods as lacking in rigor; on the other hand the adherents of qualitative/ethnographic approaches held that the other camp was too “positivistic” and was operating with an inadequate view of causation in human affairs—one that ignored the role of motives and reasons, possession of relevant background knowledge, awareness of cultural norms, and the like. Few if any commentators in the “paradigm wars” suggested that there was anything prohibiting the use of both approaches in the one research program—provided that if both were used, they were used only sequentially or in parallel, for they were underwritten by different epistemologies and hence could not be blended together. But recently the trend has been towards rapprochement, towards the view that the two methodological families are, in fact, compatible and are not at all like paradigms in the Kuhnian sense(s) of the term; the melding of the two approaches is often called “mixed methods research”, and it is growing in popularity. (For more detailed discussion of these “wars” see Howe 2003 and Phillips 2009.)

The most lively contemporary debates about education research, however, were set in motion around the turn of the millennium when the US Federal Government moved in the direction of funding only rigorously scientific educational research—the kind that could establish causal factors which could then guide the development of practically effective policies. (It was held that such a causal knowledge base was available for medical decision-making.) The definition of “rigorously scientific”, however, was decided by politicians and not by the research community, and it was given in terms of the use of a specific research method—the net effect being that the only research projects to receive Federal funding were those that carried out randomized controlled experiments or field trials (RFTs). It has become common over the last decade to refer to the RFT as the “gold standard” methodology.

The National Research Council (NRC)—an arm of the US National Academies of Science—issued a report, influenced by postpostivistic philosophy of science (NRC 2002), that argued that this criterion was far too narrow. Numerous essays have appeared subsequently that point out how the “gold standard” account of scientific rigor distorts the history of science, how the complex nature of the relation between evidence and policy-making has been distorted and made to appear overly simple (for instance the role of value-judgments in linking empirical findings to policy directives is often overlooked), and qualitative researchers have insisted upon the scientific nature of their work. Nevertheless, and possibly because it tried to be balanced and supported the use of RFTs in some research contexts, the NRC report has been the subject of symposia in four journals, where it has been supported by a few and attacked from a variety of philosophical fronts: Its authors were positivists, they erroneously believed that educational inquiry could be value neutral and that it could ignore the ways in which the exercise of power constrains the research process, they misunderstood the nature of educational phenomena, and so on. This cluster of issues continues to be debated by educational researchers and by philosophers of education and of science, and often involves basic topics in philosophy of science: the constitution of warranting evidence, the nature of theories and of confirmation and explanation, etc. Nancy Cartwright’s important recent work on causation, evidence, and evidence-based policy adds layers of both philosophical sophistication and real world practical analysis to the central issues just discussed (Cartwright & Hardie 2012, Cartwright 2013; cf. Kvernbekk 2015 for an overview of the controversies regarding evidence in the education and philosophy of education literatures).

4. Concluding Remarks

As stressed earlier, it is impossible to do justice to the whole field of philosophy of education in a single encyclopedia entry. Different countries around the world have their own intellectual traditions and their own ways of institutionalizing philosophy of education in the academic universe, and no discussion of any of this appears in the present essay. But even in the Anglo-American world there is such a diversity of approaches that any author attempting to produce a synoptic account will quickly run into the borders of his or her competence. Clearly this has happened in the present case.

Fortunately, in the last thirty years or so resources have become available that significantly alleviate these problems. There has been a flood of encyclopedia entries, both on the field as a whole and also on many specific topics not well-covered in the present essay (see, as a sample, Burbules 1994; Chambliss 1996b; Curren 1998, 2018; Phillips 1985, 2010; Siegel 2007; Smeyers 1994), two “Encyclopedias” (Chambliss 1996a; Phillips 2014), a “Guide” (Blake, Smeyers, Smith, & Standish 2003), a “Companion” (Curren 2003), two “Handbooks” (Siegel 2009; Bailey, Barrow, Carr, & McCarthy 2010), a comprehensive anthology (Curren 2007), a dictionary of key concepts in the field (Winch & Gingell 1999), and a good textbook or two (Carr 2003; Noddings 2015). In addition there are numerous volumes both of reprinted selections and of specially commissioned essays on specific topics, some of which were given short shrift here (for another sampling see A. Rorty 1998, Stone 1994), and several international journals, including Theory and Research in Education, Journal of Philosophy of Education, Educational Theory, Studies in Philosophy and Education, and Educational Philosophy and Theory. Thus there is more than enough material available to keep the interested reader busy.

Some United States Musical Instruments

Some United States Musical Instruments


The United States is known for its colorful culture and especially for its upbeat, upbeat music. Various cultures played a large role in the creation of styles of music and dance in the United States. Traditional musical instruments vary in different countries. Here are some examples of United States musical instruments.

United States Musical Instruments


This musical instrument resembles a tambourine. It is hand-held and comes with small cymbals around the sides. It is very popular in Brazilian music especially capoeira and samba. Pandeiro instruments are considered quite versatile because they can be tuned according to your wishes. It can also be played in a number of ways including using the fingers and the whole palm. idn slots


Originating from Cuba, these single-headed drums usually come in sets of two. Each drum is tuned to a specific pitch, giving the drums a rhythmic beat. You can use various sounds with the conga by hitting the head of the instrument with your hand.


The Guiro handheld instrument is believed to have originated in Cuba. It is made with a single piece of metal or wood. It is perforated and provided with grooves that run horizontally along the sides. Another way to play it is by hitting it with a stick.


The lead is similar to the conga. However, tin comes with a metal rim and is shallower than the conga. The lead heads produce resonant notes and high notes because the drum heads are set high. It can be played by attaching a stick to a metal head or casing.


Maracas are believed to have come from various places including Venezuela and Puerto Rico. Maracas are not only popular in United States music but are also used throughout the world as a backup instrument. Maracas are made of hollow shells with handles. Inside the shell are dried grains, so when the tool is shaken, the maracas make a crackling sound.

Some United States Musical Instruments


This United States musical instrument that is widely used in Cuban music looks quite simple. However, it is one of the most distinct instruments in the region. This is a hand-held block of wood about the size of a large cigar. To use the instrument, you must ring two claves.


This musical instrument is usually played in the Caribbean islands. This instrument is said to have originated in Cuba and was later used by Puerto Rican people. It is clearly built on the idea of ​​a guitar based on its appearance. In some places, this instrument is called a bandola or triple. El tres has six strings much like a guitar, but the strings are grouped into three.

The marimba

La marimba is a musical instrument originating from Central America. Others believe that this instrument was invented during the maya civilization while others say that it was made by slaves as their own version of an African instrument. Costa Rica and Guatemala are still known to use the instrument today.

Get to Know Music in the United States

Music in the United States is a reflection of a multi-ethnic population with a variety of musical styles. Music in the United States is a mix of music influenced by (among others) West African, Irish, Scottish, Mexican, and Cuban music.

American music that is quite well known internationally is jazz, blues, bluegrass, country, rock, ragtime, rhythm & blues, hip-hop, pop, dance, and rock and roll. The United States has the largest music market with total retail sales of Rp. 69,855,577,606 in 2014, and music us. heard all over the world. Since the early 20th century, some US pop music has been listened to and followed globally.

That’s a review of Some Musical Instruments in the United States, hopefully this is useful.

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Latin Dances List: 15 Popular Styles, Names & History

Latin Dances List: 15 Popular Styles, Names & History

Latin Dances List: 15 Popular Styles, Names & History

Latin dances are rather a large group of dance styles that are united by their place of origin – Latin America and invariably passionate rhythms and performances. Latin American dances are a type of ballroom and club dances that spread throughout Europe in the 19th century and became very popular. They owe their wide popularity to curiously mixed cultures of the Americas, including European and local folk dances. Thus, the Spanish folk dance, the elements of which were performed by bullfighters during a bullfight, became known throughout the world as a paso doble. Samba was brought to Brazil, and then to Europe, African influence is seen in rumba and cha cha cha which originated in Cuba and Haiti.

The traditional program of Latin Ballroom Dances, adopted by the World DanceSport Federation, since 1930 includes five dances in the Latin American section. These are Samba, Rumba, Cha-Cha-Cha, Paso Doble and Jive (United States origine). All of them are performed in a pair, a man and a woman and, unlike the European dances, the partners during the performance can either separate the contact, or cling to each other very closely. All Latin American dances are rhythmic and emotional, and some of them are particularly sensual.

The other large group of Latin dances is so-called Social (or ”club” Latina) includes Salsa, Bachata, Merengue, Reggaeton, Mambo, Kizomba, Zouk and Argentine tango. It has long been one of the most popular group of mass dance, both in Latin America and in the United States, Europe and Asia. Salsa and bachata, merengue and mambo – these dances do not require perfected skill, it is more important to reveal them completely, turning movements into meaningful love and passionate stories. For many years, the cult for all Latin dancers is the movie “Dirty Dancing” with Patrick Swayze, where the most popular amateur dances are shown in all its glory.

Here is a List of Social Latin American dances:


Salsa dancing initially developed into a particular style in the 1940s and comes from a tradition of Latin dance styles that dates back to the early 1900s. It is heavily influenced by Afro-Cuban traditions and dance styles such as mambo, guaguanco and danzon. The brief history of salsa dance is that people moved to new locations and assimilated into new cultures, where salsa evolved into fresh styles. There are several different salsa styles influenced by cultures of the cities they originated. For instance, most famous in North America in United States are New York Salsa (also known as dancing ‘On 2’) and Los Angeles Salsa (known as dancing ‘On 1’). Many dance aficionados actually claim that New York Style salsa is the original style of salsa, as the term and the dance were coined in the Big Apple. Other styles include Cuban salsa, Cumbia, Rueda de Casino (read more on salsa dance types here). Besides New York and Los Angeles in USA, major cities around the world where salsa is most popular are: Toronto Salsa and Vancouver Salsa in Canada and in United Kingdom: London Salsa. There are numerous Salsa Festivals around the world that attract thousand of Salseros every year as well as Salsa Congress which is a multi-day dance festival featuring workshops, social dancing, performances and competitions focusing on Salsa dancing.


Bachata dance is known for its love stories, and its syncopated rhythm. The dance actually was born of the music in the Dominican Republic during the 1960’s. Unfortunately, a dictatorship that found Bachata to be an art form of low standing held the music and the dance back for decades. The music was first developed with a heavy guitar emphasis and heartrending love stories as its basis. However, it grew primarily within bars and brothels, and this led to Bachata being held back for literally decades. Although the Bachata dance itself is a spinoff of the music, in recent years the music has grown more slowly than the dance. Bachata dance continues to grow and thrive all over the world, and has finally reached a place where it is widely accepted.


The Merengue is a couple dance that has roots in the Dominican Republic. There are many theories of how precisely it became the dance that it is today. It is certain, however, that Dictator Rafael Trujillo deemed it the Dominican official dance and musical style after his rise to power in the 1930’s. A similar style is enjoyed in neighboring Haiti. The Merengue is one of the recognized Latin dance that has evolved over the years and widely enjoyed in many parts of the world.


Mambo is a Latin dance of Cuba which was developed in the 1940s when the music genre of the same name became popular throughout Latin America. The word mambo comes from the name of the god of war. In immemorial times, the Cubans dedicated a ritual dance to him, with the aim of deserving location and ensuring patronage. The mambo dance has much in common with rumba and cha-cha (at first, the famous cha-cha-cha was even called syncopated mambo), but it has a great temperament, freedom in expressing feelings and emotions, luxurious music. Incendiary rhythms of mambo are widely used in cinema. This dance is both a means of seduction and a way to express your feelings. Among the most famous films in which dance is used is the film “Mambo” with starring Antonio Banderas and Arman Assante and the more modern film Dirty Dancing starring Patrick Suezi.


Kizomba is a new direction of latin dance culture that originated in Angola in the 1980s under the influence of French Creole music and African folk rhythms. And in Europe, it has spread widely in the twenty-first century. Kizomba has similar features with samba, bachata and Argentine tango, but this style is smoother, moderate and calm. Energy of Kizomba is more sensual and romantic, not expressive but rather flirtatious. Nowadays, Kizomba is winning the hearts and minds of modern youth. Everyone wants to learn how to dance Kizomba, everyone wants to shine at parties, to be fashionable and modern. There are numerous Latin Festivals around the world that include Kizomba as one of their featured dances.


In the late 20th century, dramatized concert performances with bright costumes and lively ethnic music were popular in Haiti, Martinique and the Cape Verde Islands. This is how the Zouk dance style emerged, combining the intonation of authentic Haitian music, the calypso style, the sound of “black” Angolan music. “Zouk” in French Creole means “party” or “festival.” Dancing evenings with live music have won wild popularity not only on the islands. France, Canada, Brazil and the countries of Asia and latey United States have not resisted the pressure of the sensual rhythm.

Zuk dance is a social dance that is performed on three counts and is saturated with beautiful curves of the upper part of the body and deflections, and the steps and turns are complemented by circular rotations, wave-like movements and turns of the head. This style of dance is much more sensual than others, its turns and “falls” are spectacular, so the flexibility of the partner is of particular importance. Acrobatics are allowed. There are many Latin Festival events around the world that include Zouk dance as an essential part of their program.


Reggaeton is a musical style that originated in Puerto Rico and Panama in 1970-1980. It was born under the influence of such directions as reggae, dancehall, hip-hop and very quickly became popular in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. And how a separate style was highlighted in the 1990s, spreading its popularity to the USA, where immigrants brought it. A characteristic feature of this musical direction is overt and even somewhat aggressive sexuality, a clear reggae rhythm and a recipe in Spanish. Nando Boom and El General are considered to be the fathers of this musical direction.

Argentine tango

Tango is a very sensual dance, and is among some of the most famous couple dances today. Prior to the birth of Tango, which happened in the poorer sections of Buenos Aires in the early 1900’s, there were only a few dances that required that a couple become so intimate as to face each other. The history of Argentine Tango is a little muddled, as it began in the lower classes, and it has faced many trials over the years. However, Tango has survived and grown into a dance that is enjoyed worldwide. Around 1911, Tango made the trip overseas and became a sensation in Paris, London and Berlin. 1913 saw it strike New York City in full force, although less authentic Tango dancing was already practiced there to some extent.

Tango scenes have been featured in many tango films. Tango scenes have been featured in many tango films. Today we see many thriving tango communities around the world, with the biggest one in Buenos Aires (Argentina), in USA: New York tango and Seattle tango are among the largest, in Europe: Berlin and more. You can catch the best tango performances at many Milongas (social tango dancing). There are as well many Tango Festivals around the world that attract thousand of Tangueros and fans.


Bomba is one of the traditional dances and musical styles of Puerto Rico, which arose at the intersection of African and Spanish cultures and the Indian culture of native Taino. Bomba got its name from the drums made out of rum barrels. The base rhythm of Bomba is performed on two or more drums. The meaning of bomba is similar to the meaning of Cuban rumba – it is a competition between a singer, a dancer and a percussionist.

The main trait of Bomba is that the musicians in it follow the dancer (and not vice versa). The vocal part consists of the recitals of the soloist and choir (at least three voices). In this case, the soloist will improvise poetry, and the chorus will respond to him.The dance is still extremely popular in Puerto Rico and New York.


Puerto rican style of music and dance, used as a means of social and political expression. This traditional dance uses a panderet (tambourine), has a 4/4 pace and does not follow the clave. Plena was created 100 years ago in the working class barrios of Ponce, Plena’s roots could be traced back into the changes in society brought on by Puerto Rico’s move from Spanish into U.S. rule. Plena was born of African American roots and has been changed to a distinctively Puerto Rican dance style from the consequences of Jíbaro, indigenous Taino, and European musical traditions, along with the contribution of freed slaves out of English-speaking Caribbean Islands who travelled to Puerto Rico.

Plena primarily existed within folklore nevertheless, in the 1990s Plena has been given new life due to musical bands from Puerto Rico and New York who updated its sound to be fresh and modern. Whether folklore or contemporary audio, it is the panderos — three or more handheld drums of distinct sizes/pitches (seguidor, segundo, and requinto), along with also the guiro — a gourd percussion tool of native Taino source — which collectively create the unique rhythm of Plena.

Here is a list of Latin Dances included in the program of Ballroom dancing (International Latin):


Samba is a dance rich in history, and one that is known for the joy it expresses. The traditional Brazilian Samba is a national favorite each year at Rio’s Carnival Celebration. Both men and women, each known as a Sambista, present the rhythmic celebratory dance throughout the city during the festivities. The Ballroom Samba varies greatly from many of the styles, but does maintain some of the Brazilian Samba characteristics. Ballroom Samba is recognized as one of five International Style of Latin Dancing partner dances. The Samba as seen today developed in Rio near the close of the 19th century. In 1917, Samba was beginning to be viewed as a dance style in its own right. The year of 1930 saw it become an accepted form of ballroom dance — Ballroom Samba has made a lasting impact on partner dancing throughout the world.


Rumba, one of the five international Latin dances, is a sultry story in motion. This particular Latin dance is widely acknowledged as the most sensuous. Rumba has humble beginnings. As with many others, at least some of Rumba’s roots can be traced back to African tribal dances. However, it is in the nation of Cuba where it became the Rumba that is still so popular today. It is commonly referred to as the grandfather of Latin dance. Rumba hit the United States during the 1920’s, and laid the groundwork for all Latin dances thereafter.


Originally known as Cha-Cha-Cha, the name of this flirtatious and upbeat partner dance has been shortened a little over the years to simply Cha-Cha. This particular dance style was developed originally in Cuba, and then picked up by dancers visiting Havana from all over the world. The dance’s fun, flamboyant and quick nature made it appealing then, and certainly adds to its appeal now. The more authentic Cuban style is very sensual, somewhat teasing and a bit contagious. Not only is the Cha-Cha still danced across the globe and is one of the International Style of Latin Dancing partner dances, the musical genre can be heard sung by incredibly popular musical artists even today.

Paso Doble

Paso Doble (Spanish for “two steps”) is a Spanish dance imitating a bullfight. Paso doble was one of the many Spanish folk dances associated with various aspects of Spanish life. The partner represents the torero, and the partner – his cloak (muleta), sometimes – the second torero, and very rarely – the bull, as a rule, defeated by the final blow. The nature of the music corresponds to the procession in front of the bullfight. The dance was first performed in France in 1920, became popular in Parisian high society in the 1930s, therefore many steps and figures have French names. After the Second World War, Paso Doble was included in the Latin-American program of sports ballroom dancing.


Jive is a dance of African American origin that appeared in the USA in the early 1940s. Jive is a type of swing with fast and free movements. Modern jive is very different from swing in style, although it often uses the same shapes and movements. Jive dance is performed at ballroom dancing competitions. Of the five dances of the Latin American program, the jive is always the last and is the apotheosis of the competitive program. This dance is very fast and sparkling. Thus, it allows couples not only to demonstrate technical skills, but also to show their physical fitness.

10 Tips to Learn French Fast

10 Tips to Learn French Fast

10 Tips to Learn French Fast

Learning a new language can be daunting, but with a good attitude and a little bit of motivation, learning French in France can become child’s play.

Here are 10 tips to learn French fast:

1. Watch films

Watching films in French with French subtitles is one of the best ways to learn. Not only will you discover everyday idiomatic expressions and new vocabulary, but you will also be able to read words as the actors pronounce them: an ideal way to train your ear and improve your accent.

2. Learn with songs

Just like films, songs are an excellent way to learn French in a playful way. Translate the texts and sing them along. You will finally understand what your favorite French songs actually mean!

3. Read

Alternate between traditional study methods and more playful ones. You love detective novels? Why not read them in French? If you prefer lighter reads, buy magazines and use them to learn new vocabulary in relation to your passions. Comics? Comics are a very useful way to learn French, a mix of text and images facilitate the understanding and learning of French.

4. Find a partner

Find a native French speaker wishing to learn your mother tongue and alternate between conversations in French and in English. Everyone wins! If your spouse or a friend is also learning French, speak in French when you are together! Progress and fun guaranteed!

5. Don’t be scared to try and make mistakes

A lot of people don’t make progress simply because they don’t dive in — especially when it comes to speaking. Don’t be scared to make mistakes! The persons you speak to will gladly correct you and help you progress.

6. Listen!

Actively listen to other people speaking: notice how they use certain expressions and do not hesitate to ask for explanations. Even when you are busy doing something else, put on a French radio program: passive listening can also help you progress.

7. Practice

Take advantage of your moments of solitude to repeat the words and expressions you have learnt out loud. Don’t be scared to talk to yourself in order to work on your pronunciation!

8. Sign up for an intensive course

Whether it is in full immersion or in your home country, an intensive French courses can be an excellent way to learn French quickly. Be careful not to relax in your efforts once the course is over. To make sure you don’t lose what you have learnt, you need to keep practicing. Which brings us to the next point: consistency.

9. Be consistent

To learn quickly and efficiently, one must work everyday, even if it is only for five minutes each time.

10. Go for a full immersion

The best way to learn is certainly through full immersion. This can be daunting at first, but you will learn French in no time and will live unforgettable experiences. To avoid feeling completely lost, you can reach out to a French language school implanted in France. CIA itself is located on the French Riviera and offers tailored programs for all levels. Do not hesitate to contact us for further information!